Is Fighting Corruption a Meaningless Cause?
When corruption is celebrated at the highest levels of government, what can any of us really do? We have an answer.
“Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
There’s a phrase we’ve all heard in one form or another: “Absolute power corrupts absolutely.” It’s a phrase that rings true in the ugliest of ways when we look at our political landscape today. From the very top, the systems of power—once founded on the ideals of democracy, justice, and fairness—are now being warped and perverted, often in service of personal vendettas, ego-driven revenge, and an alarming disregard for moral responsibility.
It’s a lesson we’re learning again, especially through the aggressively toxic environment being cultivated by the President and those he’s empowered. His second term offers a harrowing glimpse of what happens when corruption isn’t just tolerated, but celebrated.
As Peter Wehner eloquently describes in his recent AND excellent column in The Atlantic, Trump’s administration has morphed into a tool of vengeance—a weapon wielded with ruthless abandon. What’s perhaps most disturbing is how this hunger for revenge extends far beyond the realm of politics and into our very institutions—the justice system, the media, even public health organizations.
To say Trump’s actions have caused long-term damage to our democracy is an understatement. Wehner explains how Trump is systematically dismantling checks and balances to create a personal fiefdom. Whether it’s firing officials simply for doing their jobs or silencing dissent through lawsuits and threats, these actions reflect a Mafia-like mentality: punish those who cross you, use the government as a tool of retribution, and shift the power structure to serve personal whims.
“The threat this poses to American democracy is obvious. A president and an administration with a Mafia mentality can create a Mafia state. They can target innocent people, shut down dissent, intimidate critics into silence, violate democratic norms, act without any statutory authority, sweep away checks and balances, spread disinformation and conspiracy theories, ignore court orders, and even declare martial law.” — Peter Wehner, “Trump’s Appetite for Revenge is Insatiable”, The Atlantic
What we’re witnessing is more than just bad policies or questionable ethics. It’s a corruption of power so deep that it’s changing the way we view power in this country. What was once unacceptable is increasingly normalized. This phenomenon, as Alexis de Tocqueville warned, may be inevitable in democracies. In Democracy in America, Tocqueville writes that when citizens see someone rise to power through unscrupulous means, they often attribute success to vices rather than virtues. This “odious connection” between vice and power, he feared, would normalize unethical behavior and even celebrate it.
This is exactly what Trump is doing. He’s blurred the lines between right and wrong, making many feel that the ends justifies the means. We hear words like “loyalty” and “revenge” tied to “America First,” as entire communities justify morally questionable actions because they feel aligned with a greater cause. We’re treading dangerous waters where the immoral is increasingly seen as strategic, where ethical compromises are excused for the promise of power.
But what can we do?
It’s easy to fall into despair when you look at this reality. It feels as though the foundations of our democratic system are being eroded, one political grudge at a time. But there’s something crucial to remember amidst all of this—something that cuts through the cynicism and helplessness: we still have the power to strive toward what is good and right, even in the darkest times.
While each of us should certainly do as much as we can—and Bright America has an evolving to-do list of actions for our members—what we all must work to maintain and keep is hope. Hope that this will be a dark chapter, a teacher for future generations—but not the ending.
Enter Václav Havel, the playwright, dissident, and freely elected former president of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic in the wake of its dark Soviet past, whose words challenge us to hold fast to our principles in the face of adversity. Havel warned that while evil and corruption would always exist, the fight against them is always worth pursuing.
“There is only one thing I will not concede: that it might be meaningless to strive in a good cause.”
Wehner’s piece touches on this truth, reminding us that despite the overwhelming challenges we face, there is meaning in our struggle for what is right. Havel’s words encourage us to persist, even when the odds are stacked against us. There is a greater cause—our country and its relentless pursuit of a more perfect union—that is worth fighting for.
Trump’s agenda is one of personal power, vengeance, and division. His actions are driven by a need to destroy anyone who stands against him. In the end, this hunger for revenge only breeds destruction and division, leaving a society where people feel powerless in the face of corruption and lies.
But Havel’s perspective offers hope. The fight for truth, integrity, and democracy is never in vain. Striving for a better future is not meaningless, even when it seems hopeless. In fact, it’s a fount of hope.
At Bright America, we believe democracy is worth fighting for! Alongside our collective advocacy, we fuel 150+ legal challenges to authoritarian B.S. including government corruption through our strategic partner Campaign Legal Center. Even as we face a divided nation and a system that often rewards dishonesty, we must stay committed to truth, integrity, and a brighter future. In pushing back against those who seek to undermine our values, we affirm the ideals that actually make America great.
SCOTUS and other federal judges are the problem. Trump is stepping up the fight, similar to Thomas Jefferson against Chief Justice John Marshall.
1. Jefferson warned of a judicial oligarchy, and that is precisely what John Roberts presides over.
2. John Marshall ruled on a tautology, which is restating the constitution, in Marbury v Madison (1803). Then Marshall assumed what he was trying to prove claiming that the judiciary should be the branch of government that determines what is constitutional.
3. Assuming what one tries to prove is not an implied power.
4. If the legal question has discretion as to constitutionality, SCOTUS is not empowered by the constitution to decide. Yet that is all they do, precisely because John Marshall wanted to legislate from the bench.
5. Federal district court Judge Boasberg took it to a new level; now federal judges want to be the executive branch. What happened to separation of powers?
6. You want the constitution to matter again?
6a. Easy. Term limits on SCOTUS and federal judges. None of them follow the dictates of good behavior as was intended in the late 1780s. 10 years or 15 years. That is it.
6b. Mandatory retirement age of 70 years old. POTUS FDR proposed that, and regardless of his reasons for doing so, it is a great idea.
6c. A proof is required to determine constitutionality, else leave it alone.
6d. Remind each jury that jury nullification is constitutional.
6e. Once a year, each federal judge must take a polygraph and truthfully be able to say yes that on each case they ruled on, their judgement was honest, unbiased, and not personal or political.